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I am currently living in I am an independent womenI am very passionate about my jobI am divorcee hope this time i meet the best one who atleast respect me Nairs were not permitted to perform rites in the temples of the sanketams , the villages where the land was owned by a group of Nambudiri families, although they might have access to the outer courtyard area.

Sometimes there were no Nairs at all in these villages. In villages where temples existed which were privately owned by a single Nambudiri family, there would be another temple, dedicated to Bhagavadi , that was used by the Nairs.

It was in villages where the Nairs included the headman that there might be just a single temple, run by their village organisation. By the late 19th-century, the caste system of Kerala had evolved to be the most complex to be found anywhere in India.

There were over groups represented in an elaborate structure of relationships and the concept of ritual pollution extended not merely to untouchability but even further, to unapproachability.

The system was gradually reformed to some degree, with one of those reformers, Swami Vivekananda , having observed that it represented a "mad house" of castes.

The usual four-tier Hindu caste system, involving the varnas of Brahmin priest , Kshatriya warrior , Vaishya business person, involved in trading, entrepreneurship and finance and Shudra service person , did not exist.

Kshatriyas were rare and the Vaishyas were not present at all. The roles left empty by the absence of these two ritual ranks were taken to some extent by a few Nairs and by non-Hindu immigrants, respectively.

The Nambudiri Brahmins were at the top of the ritual caste hierarchy and in that system outranked even the kings. Below the Nambudiris came the Tamil Brahmins and other later immigrants of the Brahmin varna.

Beyond this, the precise ranking is subject to some difference in opinion. Kodoth has placed the Samantan caste below the Kshatriya rank but above the Nairs, but Gough considers that the Pushpagans and Chakyars , both of which were the highest ranked in the group of temple servants known as Ambalavasis , were ranked between the Brahmins and the Nairs, as were several other members of the Ambalavasi group.

Keralite traditions included that certain communities were not allowed within a given distance of other castes on the grounds that they would "pollute" the relatively higher-ranked group.

For example, Dalits were prohibited within 64 feet. The Nairs identify themselves as being in many subgroups and there has been debate regarding whether these groups should be considered as subcastes or a mixture both of those and of subdivisions.

There have been several attempts to identify these various groups; most of these were prior to the end of British governance in India but Kathleen Gough also studied the issue in These analyses bear similarities to the Jatinirnayam , a Malayam work that enumerated 18 main subgroups according to occupation, including drummers, traders, coppersmiths, palanquin bearers, servants, potters and barbers, as well as ranks such as the Kiriyam and Illam.

Although the Jatinirnayam did not itself distinguish any particular subgroups as ranking higher, subsequent attempts at classification did do so, claiming the various occupations to be traditional ones and stating that only the higher ranked groups were soldiers.

Anthropologists, ethnologists and other authors believe that the last name of a Nair was a title which denoted the subgroup vibhagam to which that person belonged and indicated the occupation the person pursued or was bestowed on them by a chief or king.

These names included Nair itself, Kurup , Menon , and Pillai. A re-evaluation of the broad system of classification took place from the late s.

Fuller, writing in , claims that the approach to classification by use of titular names was a misconception. People could and did award themselves the titles; and on those occasions when a title was in fact bestowed, it nonetheless did not signify their subgroup.

He argues that the broad outline of the subdivisions. Except for high-ranking priests, the Nayar subdivisions mirror all the main caste categories: high-status aristocrats, military and landed; artisans and servants; and untouchables.

Srinivas observed in that, " Varna has been the model to which observed facts have been fitted, and this is true not only of educated Indians, but also of sociologists to some extent.

From this unsuitable methodology had come the notion that the groups were subcastes rather than subdivisions.

The royal lineages of Calicut, Walluvanad, Palghat and Cochin, for instance, although of Nayar origin, considered themselves superior in ritual rank to their Nayar subjects.

The hypothesis, proposed by writers such as Fuller and Louis Dumont , that most of the subgroups were not subcastes arises in large part because of the number of ways in which Nairs classified themselves, which far exceeded the 18 or so groups which had previously been broadly accepted.

Dumont took the extreme view that the Nairs as a whole could not be defined as a caste in the traditional sense, but Fuller believed this to be unreasonable as, "since the Nayars live in a caste society, they must evidently fit into the caste system at some level or another.

There were 44 listed in Travancore in the census of These designations were, however, somewhat fluid: the numbers tended to rise and fall, dependent upon which source and which research was employed; it is likely also that the figures were skewed by Nairs claiming a higher status than they actually had, which was a common practice throughout India.

The writer of the official report of the census, H A Stuart, acknowledged that some of the recorded subdivisions were in fact merely families and not subcastes, [96] and Fuller has speculated that the single-member subdivisions were "Nayars satisfying their vanity, I suppose, through the medium of the census.

The revisionist argument, whose supporters also include Joan Mencher , proposes a mixed system. The larger divisions were indeed subcastes, as they demonstrated a stability of status, longevity and geographic spread; however, the smaller divisions were fluid, often relatively short-lived and narrow in geographic placement.

These divisions, such as the Veluttetan , Chakkala and Vilakkittalavan , would take titles such as Nair or Nayar in order to boost their social status, as was also the practice with other castes elsewhere, although they were often not recognised as caste members by the higher ranks and other Nairs would not marry with them.

It has also been postulated that some exogamous families came together to form small divisions as a consequence of shared work experiences with, for example, a local Nambudiri or Nair chief.

These groups then became an endogamous subdivision, in a similar manner to developments of subdivisions in other castes elsewhere. Even the highest ranked of the Nairs, being the kings and chiefs, were no more than "supereminent" subdivisions of the caste, rather than the Kshatriyas and Samantans that they claimed to be.

Their claims illustrated that the desires and aspirations of self-promotion applied even at the very top of the community and this extended as far as each family refusing to admit that they had any peers in rank, although they would acknowledge those above and below them.

The membership of these two subgroups was statistically insignificant, being a small fraction of 1 per cent of the regional population, but the example of aspirational behaviour which they set filtered through to the significant ranks below them.

These subdivisions might adopt a new name or remove themselves from any association with a ritually demeaning occupation in order to assist their aspirations.

Most significantly, they adopted hypergamy and would utilise the rituals of thalikettu kalyanam and sambandham , which constituted their traditional version of a marriage ceremony, in order to advance themselves by association with higher-ranked participants and also to disassociate themselves from their existing rank and those below.

Nossiter has described its purpose at foundation as being " As late as , the NSS still had most of its support in the Central Travancore region, [] although it also has numerous satellite groups around the world.

From its early years, when it was contending that the Nairs needed to join together if they were to become a political force, it argued that the caste members should cease referring to their traditional subdivisions and instead see themselves as a whole.

Census information thereafter appears to have become unreliable on the matter of the subdivisions, in part at least because of the NSS campaign to ensure that respondents did not provide the information requested of them.

The NSS also promoted marriage across the various divisions in a further attempt to promote caste cohesion, although in this instance it met with only limited success.

Indeed, even in the s it was likely that cross-subdivision marriage was rare generally, and this was certainly the case in the Central Travancore area.

It has been concluded by Fuller, in , that. It is not, however, a solidary group, and, the efforts of the N. The influence of the NSS, both within the community and in the wider political sphere, is no longer as significant as once it was.

It did attempt to reassert its influence in , when it established its own political party—the National Democratic Party—but this lasted only until Today, the government of India does not treat the Nair community as a single entity.

It classifies some, such as the Illathu and Swaroopathu Nairs, as a forward caste but other sections, such as the Veluthedathu, Vilakkithala and Andhra Nairs, as Other Backward Classes.

Nairs operated a matrilineal marumakkathayam joint family structure called tharavad , whereby descendant families of one common ancestress lived under a single roof.

Tharavads consisting of 50 to 80 members were not uncommon and some with membership as high as have been reported.

Only the women lived in the main house; men lived in separate rooms [ clarification needed ] and, on some occasions, lived in a separate house nearby.

The families split on instances when they became unwieldy and during crisis among its members. When it split, the family property was separated along the female lines.

The karnavan , the oldest male member in the tharavad , had the decision-making authority including the power to manage common property.

Panikkar , a well-known writer from the Nair community, wrote in that,. Authority in the family is wielded by the eldest member, who is called karnavan.

He has full control of the common property, and manages the income very much as he pleases. He arranges marriages sambandhams for the boys as well as the girls of the family.

He had till lately full power at least in practice of alienating anything that belonged to them. His will was undisputed law. This is, perhaps, what is intended to be conveyed by the term Matri-potestas in communities of female descent.

But it should be remembered that among the Nayars the autocrat of the family is not the mother, but the mother's brother. The husband visited the tharavad at night and left the following morning and he had no legal obligation to his children which lay entirely with the karnavan.

The wife of karnavan had an unusual relationship in his tharavad as she belonged to a different one and her interests lay there.

Panikkar wrote that Karnavan loved his sister's son more than his own and he believes it was due mainly to the instability of Nair marriages.

Divorce rate was very high as both man and woman had equal right to terminate the marriage. Enangar was another family with which a tharavad remained closely related; a few such related families formed a social group whose members participated in all social activities.

Fuller has commented that "The Nayars' marriage system has made them one of the most famous of all communities in anthropological circles", [] and Amitav Ghosh says that, although matrilineal systems are not uncommon in communities of the south Indian coast, the Nairs "have achieved an unparalleled eminence in the anthropological literature on matrilineality".

Two forms of ritual marriage were traditional: []. There is much debate about whether the traditional Nair rituals fitted the traditional definition of marriage and which of thalikettu kalyanam or sambandham could lay claim to it.

The thali is an emblem shaped like a leaf and which is worn as a necklace. The wearing of it has been compared to a wedding ring as for most women in south India it denotes that they are married.

The thalikettu kalyanam was the ritual during which the thali would be tied on a piece of string around the neck of a Nair girl.

If the girl should reach puberty before the ceremony took place then she would in theory have been out-caste, although it is probable that this stricture was not in fact observed.

The ritual was usually conducted approximately every 10—12 years for all girls, including infants, within a tharavad who had not previously been the subject of it.

Higher-ranked groups within the caste, however, would perform the ritual more frequently than this and in consequence the age range at which it occurred was narrower, being roughly between age 10 and This increased frequency would reduce the likelihood of girls from two generations being involved in the same ceremony, which was forbidden.

The karnavan organised the elaborate ritual after taking advice from prominent villagers and also from a traditional astrologer, known as a Kaniyan.

A pandal was constructed for the ceremony and the girls wore ornaments specifically used only on those occasions, as well as taking a ritual bath in oil.

The ornaments were often loaned as only a few villagers would possess them. The person who tied the thali would be transported on an elephant.

The higher the rank of that person then the greater the prestige reflected on to the tharavad , and also vice versa [] since some people probably would refuse to act as tier in order to disassociate themselves from a group and thereby bolster their claims to be members of a higher group.

Although information is far from complete, those who tied the thali for girls of the aristocratic Nair families of Cochin in Central Kerala appear to have been usually Samantans, who were of higher rank, or occasionally the Kshatriyas, who were still higher.

The Nambudiri Brahmins of Central Kerala acted in that role for the royal house of Cochin who were Kshatriyas , but whether they did so for other Kshatriyas is less certain.

The Kshatriyas would tie for the Samantans. The girl often never saw the man who tied the thali again and later married a different man during the sambandham.

However, although she neither mourned the death of her sambandham husband nor became a widow, she did observe certain mourning rituals upon the death of the man who had tied her thali.

Panikkar argues that this proves that the real, religious marriage is the thalikettu kalyanam , although he also calls it a "mock marriage".

He believes that it may have come into existence to serve as a religious demarcation point. Sexual morality was lax, especially outside the higher ranks, and both relationship break-ups and realignments were common; the thali kalyanam legitimised the marital status of the woman in the eyes of her faith prior to her becoming involved in the amoral activities that were common practice.

It has been noted that there were variations to the practice. Examples include that the person who tied the thali might be a close female relative, such as the girl's mother or aunt, and that the ceremony conducted by such people might take place outside a temple or as a small ceremony at the side of a more lavish thalikettu kalyanam rather than in the tharavadu.

These variations were probably exceptional and would have applied to the poorest families. Panikkar says that for Nairs the real marriage, as opposed to a symbolic one, was sambandham , a word that comes from Sanskrit and translates as "good and close union".

The Nair woman had sambandham relationships with Brahmins and Kshatriyas, as well as other Nairs. He is of the opinion that the system existed principally to facilitate the wedding of Nair women to Nambudiri Brahmins.

In the Malabar region, only the eldest male member of a Brahmin family was usually allowed to marry within their caste. There were some circumstances in which a younger male was permitted to do so, these being with the consent of the elder son or when he was incapable of marriage.

This system was designed to protect their traditions of patrilineality and primogeniture. A consequence of it was that the younger sons were allowed to marry women from the highest subdivisions of the Nair caste.

The Nair women could marry the man who had tied their thali , provided that he was not otherwise restricted by the rules that women were not permitted to marry a man from a lower caste or subdivision, nor to marry anyone in the direct matrilineal line of descent however far back that may be or close relatives in the patrilineal line, nor a man less than two years her senior.

The sambandham ceremony was simple compared to the thalikettu kalyanam , being marked by the gift of clothes pudava to the bride in front of some family members of both parties to the arrangement.

There might also be other gifts, presented at the time of the main Malayam festivals. If the sambandham partner was a Brahmin man or the woman's father's sister's son which was considered a proper marriage because it was outside the direct line of female descent then the presentation was a low-key affair.

However, sambandham rituals were more elaborate, sometimes including feasts, when a "stranger" from within the Nair caste married the woman.

The ceremony took place on a day deemed to be auspicious by priests. The sambandham relationship was usually arranged by the karanavan but occasionally they would arise from a woman attracting a man in a temple, bathing pool or other public place.

The first sambandham of a man was deemed to be momentous and his ability to engage in a large number of such relationships increased his reputation in his community.

Sambandham relationships could be broken, due to differences between the spouses or because a karavanan forced it due to being pressured by a man of higher rank who desired to marry the woman.

The relationship could end at will and the participants could remarry without any ramifications. Attempts to regulate sambandham marriages by the Nayar Regulation Act of in Travancore and the Malabar Marriage Act of in British Malabar were not very successful.

Any children borne by the woman had to be claimed by one of her sambandham partners if she was to avoid being out-caste, sold into slavery or even executed.

There was a presumption that unclaimed children were the consequence of her having a relationship with a man from a lower caste, which could not be the case if the child was claimed because of the caste restrictions imposed in the selection of sambandham partners:.

Further, the Indian system of status attribution, under most circumstances, proscribes sexual relations between a woman and a man of status lower than herself, and generally denies to any children born of such a union membership of either parent's caste.

The Nambudiri Brahmin tradition which limited the extent of marriage within their own caste led to the practice of hypergamy. Gough notes that.

These hypergamous unions were regarded by Brahmans as socially acceptable concubinage, for the union was not initiated with Vedic rites, the children were not legitimized as Brahmans, and neither the woman nor her child was accorded the rights of kin.

By the matrilineal castes, however, the same unions were regarded as marriage, for they fulfilled the conditions of ordinary Nayar marriage and served to legitimize the child as an acceptable member of his matrilineal lineage and caste.

The disparity in caste ranking in a relationship between a Brahmin man and a Nair woman meant that the woman was unable to live with her husband s in the Brahmin family and so remained in her own family.

The children resulting from such marriages always became Nairs. Panikkar argues that it is this type of relationship that resulted in the matrilineal and matrilocal system.

Furthermore, that. Thus the relations set up by the tall-rite [ie: the thalikettu kalyanam ] and the sambandham union were always hypergamous. Although it is certain that in theory hypergamy can cause a shortage of marriageable women in the lowest ranks of a caste and promote upwards social movement from the lower Nair subdivisions, the numbers involved would have been very small.

It was not a common practice outside the higher subcaste groups. Fuller argues that there is overwhelming evidence that Nair women as well as men had more than one sambandham partner at the same time, that "both men and women could have several partners at once, and either party was free to break the relationship, for any reason or for none, whenever they wished.

He believes that both polyandrous sambandhams and hypergamy were most common in Central Kerala. In northern Travancore there appears not to have been as great a prevalence of hypergamy because of a relative scarcity of Brahmins living there.

Fuller believes that in the relatively undocumented southern Travancore monogamy may have been predominant, and that although the matrilineal joint family still applied it was usually the case that the wife lived with the tharavad of her husband.

Nancy Levine and Walter Sangree state that while Nair women were maritally involved with a number of men, the men were also married to more than one woman.

The women and their husbands did not live together and their relationship had no meaning other than "sexual liaison" and legitimacy for the children.

Nair have customs and rituals similar to Nambothiri Brahmins. Hindu Nair have played a major role in spreading Hinduism across Kerala state.

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Iam very glad that Jeevansathi has provided me with a best platform to find a perfect bride for me. There are large number of profiles available in the site which help pe Nairs traditionally are a matrilineal society where the children inherit the property of their maternal family.

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I reside in a beautiful city of india and my caste is nair. I am currently living in malaysia. I belong to a simple tamil family.

Height is the first feature that attracts one's attention. The system is built round family pride as well as loyalty to the karavanar ".

All of these factors were having an impact during the 19th-century and they caused erosion of the social dominance which the Nairs once held, eventually reaching a point some time between World War I and World War II where that dominance was lost, [30] although there was an attempt to reassert it in Travancore during the s when the Diwan Sir C.

Ramaswamy Iyer adopted a pro-Nair stance and an oppressive attitude towards communities such as the Syrian Christians. The former, in particular, were in a position to acquire, often by subdivision, the economically unviable tharavad buildings and landholdings around the time of the Great Depression.

The role of the Nair Service Society in successfully campaigning for continued changes in practices and legislation relating to marriage and inheritance also played its part.

The Socio-Economic Survey by the Government of Kerala gave the population of the Nair community as approximately From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

This article is about a Hindu caste. For other uses, see Nair disambiguation. A Nair by Thomas Daniell.

Drawn in pencil and watercolor sometime between the 17th and 18th century. Main article: Sambandham. See also: Polyandry in India.

Main article: Demography of Nair community. Padmanabha Menon, History of Kerala , volume 3 , pp. Evans , volume 1 , pp.

Gough , , pp. Of the other five main subdivisions, the Chakkala and Itasseri were to be found in Travancore and the Pallicchan, Vattakkatan and Asthikkuracchi in Cochin and Malabar.

Ramaswamy Iyer during the s reflected a concern among Hindus that the Christian population of Travancore was rising and that there was a consequent danger of the region becoming a Christian state.

The census recorded over 31 per cent of the population as being Christian, compared to around 4 per cent in Balachandran Nayar In quest of Kerala.

Accent Publications. Retrieved 3 June The Dravidian people of Kerala were serpent worshippers. Krishna Iyer Social history of Kerala. Book Centre Publications.

Subramanian; K. Subramanian M. The origin of Saivism and its history in the Tamil land Reprinted ed. Asian Educational Services. Valour and sacrifice: famous regiments of the Indian Army.

Allied Publishers. Courier Dover Publications. Retrieved 6 June Ramachandran October Empire's First Soldiers.

Lancer Publishers. Government of Kerala. Archived from the original on 16 December Retrieved 19 February Ramachandra Raj Functions and dysfunctions of social conflict.

Popular Prakashan. Retrieved 2 June Retrieved 4 May Female ascetics: hierarchy and purity in an Indian religious movement.

Psychology Press. Journal of Kerala studies. University of Kerala. A childhood in Malabar: a memoir. Gita Krishnankutty. Penguin Books.

Retrieved 3 January Papers in Anthropology : Social mobility in Kerala: modernity and identity in conflict.

Pluto Press. Retrieved 5 June Kaleidoscopic ethnicity: international migration and the reconstruction of community identities in India.

Rutgers University Press. Development and Change. Institute of Social Studies. August Studies in History.

Rural Sociology. Retrieved 23 May The Journal of Asian Studies. Association for Asian Studies. Social change in modern India Rabindranath Tagore memorial lectures.

Orient Blackswan. March To Survive or to flourish? Trivandrum: Centre for Development Studies. Archived from the original PDF on 26 May Retrieved 28 April District of Thiruvananthapuram.

Archived from the original on 22 March Retrieved 12 June Brill, Leiden, Netherlands ed. The Imam and the Indian: prose pieces Third ed.

Retrieved 27 December September New series. May American Ethnologist. Journal of Comparative Family Studies. XI 3 : Quote:The nature of the Nayar system was that just as a woman was involved in marital relationships with a number of men, a man was married to a number of women.

Nayar women and their husbands traditionally did not live together in the same household. Husbands were obliged to present their wives certain gifts at specified times, but their relationship had little significance beyond the sexual liaison and the provision of legitimacy to children produced in the marriage.

Since the men resided separately and were not ranked in any way, Nayar co-husbandship cannot be typified by the hierarchy characteristic of associated marriage or the solidarity of fraternal polyandry.

Also in contrast with both fraternal and associated systems, the men who visited a single woman could not be brothers, nor could a man have sexual relations with two women of the same household.

That is, fraternal polyandry and sororal polygyny were prohibited. Art History. Feminine fables: imaging the Indian woman in painting, photography, and cinema.

Mapin Publishing. Retrieved 9 July In Narain, Iqbal ed. State Politics in India. Retrieved 27 April Ashley, Wayne Kerala History and its Makers.

DC Books. Retrieved 1 January Cambridge Commonwealth Series. Palgrave Macmillan UK. Retrieved 31 December Berghahn Books. The Future of Marriage.

Encounter Books. Orient BlackSwan. Retrieved 30 June India International Centre Quarterly. NYU Press. Retrieved 20 December Fuller, Christopher John Winter Journal of Anthropological Research.

The Nayars Today. Cambridge University Press. Clark-Deces, I. A Companion to the Anthropology of India. Wiley Blackwell Companions to Anthropology.

Retrieved 7 January Duke University Press. Routledge Handbook of Contemporary India. Literacy in Traditional Societies.

Kathleen eds. Abhinav Publications. Retrieved 22 December Communism in Kerala: a study in political adaptation. University of California Press.

Retrieved 9 June Panikkar, Kavalam Madhava July—December Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute. Mukherjee, M.

Early Novels in India. Sahitya Akademi. Modern India Pearson India.

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